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Slavic paganism
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"Slavic religion" redirects here. For other uses, see Slavic religion (disambiguation).
A priest of Svantevit depicted on a stone from Arkona, now in the church of Altenkirchen.
Slavic paganism or Slavic religion describes the religious beliefs, myths and ritual practices of the Slavs before the formal Christianisation of their ruling elites. The latter occurred at various stages between the 8th and the 13th century:[1] The South Slavs living on the Balkan Peniula in South Eastern Europe, bordering with the Byzantine Empire to the south, came under the sphere of influence of Byzantine Orthodox Christianity, beginning with the creation of the Slavic alphabet (fit Glagolitic, and then Cyrillic script) in 855 by the brothe Saints Cyril and Methodius and the adoption of Christianity in Bulgaria in 863 CE. The East Slavs followed with the official adoption in 988 CE by Vladimir the Great of Kievan Rus'.[2]
The West Slavs came under the sphere of influence of the Roman Catholic Church starting in the 12th century, and Christianisation for them went hand in hand with full or partial Germanisation.[3]
The Christianisation of the Slavic peoples was, however, a slow and—in many cases—superficial phenomenon, especially in what is today Russia. Christianisation was vigorous in western and central parts of what is today Ukraine, as they were closer to the capital Kiev, but even there, popular resistance led by volkhvs, pagan priests or shama, recurred periodically for centuries.[2]
The West Slavs of the Baltic withstood tenaciously agait Christianity until it was violently imposed on them through the Northern Crusades.[3] Among Poles and East Slavs, rebellion outbreaks occurred throughout the 11th century.[1] Christian chronicle reported that the Slavs regularly re-embraced their original religion (relapsi sunt denuo ad paganismus).[4]
Many elements of the indigenous Slavic religion were officially incorporated into Slavic Christianity,[2] and, besides this, the wohip of Slavic gods has peisted in unofficial folk religion until modern times.[5] The Slavs' resistance to Christianity gave rise to a "whimsical syncretism" which in Old Church Slavonic vocabulary was defined as dvoeverie, "double faith".[1] Since the early 20th century, Slavic folk religion has undergone an organised reinvention and reincorporation in the movement of Slavic Native Faith (Rodnovery).
Contents
1 Overview and common features
1.1 Indo-European origi and other influences
1.2 God and spirits
1.3 Cosmology, iconography, temples and rites
2 History
2.1 Kievan Rus' official religion and popular cults
2.2 Christianisation of the East Slavs
2.2.1 Vladimir's baptism, popular resistance and syncretism
2.2.2 Continuity of Slavic religion in Russia up to the 15th century
2.2.3 Sunwise Slavic religion, withehi Christianity, and Old Belief
2.3 Christianisation of the West Slavs
2.4 Slavic folk religion
2.5 Modern Rodnovery
3 Recotructed calendar of celebratio
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
6.1 Citatio
6.2 Sources
6.3 Further reading
7 External links
Overview and common features
"The Celebration of Svantovit in Rujana: When Gods Are at War, Salvation is in the Art" (Slavnost Svantovítova: Když jsou bohové ve válce, pak je umění spásou)—Alphoe Mucha, 1912. Pagan-themed painting part of The Slav Epic.[note 1]
Twentieth-century schola who puued the study of ancient Slavic religion include Vyacheslav Ivanov, Vladimir Toporov, Marija Gimbutas, Boris Rybakov,[7] and Roman Jakobson amongst othe. Rybakov is noted for his effort of re-examination of medieval ecclesiastical texts, synthesising his findings with archaeological data, comparative mythology, ethnography and nineteenth-century folk practices, and for having given one of the most coherent pictures of ancient Slavic religion in his major book Paganism of the Ancient Slavs and other works.[8] Among earlier, nineteenth-century schola there was Bernhard Severin Ingemann, known for his study of Fundamentals of a North Slavic and Wendish mythology.
Historical documents about Slavic religion include the Primary Chronicle, compiled in Kiev around 1111, and the Novgorod Fit Chronicle compiled in the Novgorod Republic. They contain detailed reports of the annihilation of the official Slavic religion of Kiev and Novgorod, and the subsequent "double faith". The Primary Chronicle also contai the authentic text of Rus-Greek treatises (dated 945 and 971) with native pre-Christian oaths. From the eleventh century onwards, various Rus writings were produced agait the survival of Slavic religion, and Slavic gods were interpolated in the tralatio of foreign literary works, such as the Malalas Chronicle and the Alexandreis.[1]
The West Slavs who dwelt in the area between the Vistula and the Elbe stubbornly resisted the Northern Crusades, and the history of their resistance is written down in the Latin Chronicles of three German clergymen—Thietmar of Meeburg and Adam of Bremen in the eleventh century and Helmold in the twelfth—, in the twelfth-century biographies of Otto of Bamberg, and in Saxo Grammaticus' thirteenth-century Gesta Danorum. These documents, together with minor German documents and the Icelandic Knýtlinga saga, provide an accurate description of northwestern Slavic religion.[1]
The religio of other Slavic populatio are less documented, because writings about the theme were produced late in time after Christianisation, such as the fifteenth-century Polish Chronicle, and contain a lot of sheer inventio. In the times preceding Christianisation, some Greek and Roman chronicle, such as Procopius and Jordanes in the sixth century, spaely documented some Slavic concepts and practices. Slavic paganism survived, in more or less pure forms, among the Slovenes along the Soča river up to the 1330s.[9]
Indo-European origi and other influences
Further information: Deities of Slavic religion
The linguistic unity, and negligible dialectal differentiation, of the Slavs until the end of the fit millennium CE, and the lexical uniformity of religious vocabulary, witness a uniformity of early Slavic religion.[9] It has been argued that the essence of early Slavdom was ethnoreligious before being ethnonational; that is to say, belonging to the Slavs was chiefly determined by conforming to certain beliefs and practices rather than by having a certain racial ancestry or being born in a certain place.[10] Ivanov and Toporov identified Slavic religion as an outgrowth of a common Proto-Indo-European religion, sharing strong similarities with other neighbouring Indo-European belief systems such as those of Balts, Thracia, Phrygia and Indo-Irania.[11] Slavic (and Baltic) religion and mythology is coidered more coervative and closer to original Proto-Indo-European religion—and thus precious for the latter's undetanding—than other Indo-European traditio, due to the fact that, throughout the history of the Slavs, it remained a popular religion rather than being reworked and sophisticated by intellectual elites as it happened to other Indo-European religious cultures.[12]
The affinity with Proto-Indo-Iranian religion is evident in shared developments, including the elimination of the name of the supreme God of Heaven, Dyeus, and its substitution by the term for "cloud" (Slavic Nebo),[9] the shift of the Indo-European descriptor of heavenly deities (Avestan daeva, Old Church Slavonic div; Proto-Indo-European deiwos, "celestial", derived from Dyeus) to the designation of evil entities, and the parallel designation of gods by the term meaning both "wealth" and its "giver" (Avestan baga, Old Church Slavonic bog).[13] Much of the religious vocabulary of the Slavs, including vera ("faith", right choice between good and evil), svet ("holy"), mir ("peace", "agreement of parts") and rai ("paradise"), is shared with Iranian.[14]
According to Adrian Ivakhiv, the Indo-European element of Slavic religion may have included what Georges Dumézil studied as the "trifunctional hypothesis", that is to say a threefold conception of the social order, represented by the three castes of priests, warrio and farme. According to Gimbutas Slavic religion represented an unmistakable overlapping of Indo-European patriarchal themes and pre-Indo-European—or what she called "Old European"—matrifocal themes. The latter were particularly hardwearing in Slavic religion, represented by the widespread devotion to Mat Syra Zemlya, the "Damp Mother Earth". Rybakov said the continuity and gradual complexification of Slavic religion, which started from devotion to life-giving forces (bereginy), ancesto and the supreme God, Rod ("Generation" itself), and developed into the "high mythology" of the official religion of the early Kievan Rus'.[15]
God and spirits
Hierarchy of the divine, with the two categories proceeding from the supreme God, as illustrated by Georg F. Creuzer and Franz J. Mone.[16]
Northwestern Slavic hierarchy of the divine, as illustrated by Ignác Jan Hanuš.[17]
As attested by Helmold (c. 1120–1177) in his Chronica Slavorum, the Slavs believed in a single heavenly God begetting all the lesser spirits governing nature, and wohipped it by their mea.[18] According to Helmold, "obeying the duties assigned to them, [the deities] have sprung from his [the supreme God's] blood and enjoy distinction in proportion to their nearness to the god of the gods".[14] According to Rybakov's studies, wheel symbols such as the "thunder marks" (gromovoi znak) and the "six-petaled rose iide a circle" (e.g. ), which are so common in Slavic folk crafts, and which were still carved on edges and peaks of roofs in northern Russia in the nineteenth century, were symbols of the supreme life-giver Rod.[19] Before its conceptualisation as Rod as studied by Rybakov, this supreme God was known as Deivos (cognate with Sakrit Deva, Latin Deus, Old High German Ziu and Lithuanian Dievas).[18] The Slavs believed that from this God proceeded a cosmic duality, represented by Belobog ("White God") and Chernobog ("Black God", also named Tiarnoglofi, "Black Head/Mind"),[18] representing the root of all the heavenly-masculine and the earthly-feminine deities, or the waxing light and waning light gods, respectively.[20] In both categories, deities might be either Razi, "rede-give", or Zirnitra, "wizards".[21]
The Slavs perceived the world as enlivened by a variety of spirits, which they represented as peo and wohipped. These spirits included those of wate (mavka and rusalka), forests (lisovyk), fields (polyovyk), those of households (domovyk), those of illnesses, luck and human ancesto.[22] For itance, Leshy is an important woodland spirit, believed to distribute food assigning preys to hunte, later regarded as a god of flocks and herds, and still wohipped in this function in early twentieth-century Russia. Many gods were regarded by ki (rod or pleme) as their ancesto, and the idea of ancestrality was so important that Slavic religion may be epitomised as a "manism" (i.e. wohip of ancesto), though the Slavs did not keep genealogical records.[18] The Slavs also wohipped star-gods, including the moon (Russian: Mesyats) and the sun (Solntse), the former regarded as male and the latter as female. The moon-god was particularly important, regarded as the dispeer of abundance and health, wohipped through round dances, and in some traditio coidered the progenitor of mankind. The belief in the moon-god was still very much alive in the nineteenth century, and peasants in the Ukrainian Carpathia openly affirm that the moon is their god.[18]
There was an evident continuity between the beliefs of the East Slavs, West Slavs and South Slavs. They shared the same traditional deities, as attested, for itance, by the wohip of Zuarasiz among the West Slavs, corresponding to Svarožič among the East Slavs.[23] All the bright male deities were regarded as the hypostases, forms or phases in the year, of the active, masculine divine force peonified by Perun ("Thunder"). His name, from the Indo-European root per or perkw ("to strike", "splinter"), signified both the splintering thunder and the splintered tree (especially the oak; the Latin name of this tree, quercus, comes from the same root), regarded as symbols of the irradiation of the force. This root also gave rise to the Vedic Parjanya, the Baltic Perkunas, the Albanian Perëndi (now denoting "God" and "sky"), the Germanic Fjörgynn and the Greek Keraunós ("thunderbolt", rhymic form of Peraunós, used as an epithet of Zeus).[24] Prĕgyni or peregyni, in modern Russian folklore rendered bregynja or beregynja (from breg, bereg, meaning "shore") and reinterpreted as female water spirits, were rather—as attested by chronicles and highlighted by the root per—spirits of trees and rive related to Perun.[25] Slavic traditio preserved very ancient Indo-European elements and intermingled with those of neighbouring Indo-European peoples. An exemplary case are the South Slavic still-living rain rituals of the couple Perun–Perperuna, Lord and Lady Thunder, shared with the neighbouring Albania, Greeks and Arumania, corresponding to the Germanic Fjörgynn–Fjörgyn, the Lithuanian Perkūnas–Perkūna, and finding similarities in the Vedic hym to Parjanya.[26]
The West Slavs, especially those of the Baltic, wohipped prominently Svetovid ("Lord of Power"), while the East Slavs wohipped prominently Perun himself, especially after Vladimir's 970s–980s reforms.[19] The various spirits were believed to manifest in certain places, which were revered as numinous and holy; they included springs, rive, groves, rounded tops of hills and flat cliffs overlooking rive. Calendrical rituals were attuned with the spirits, which were believed to have periods of waxing and waning throughout the year, determining the agrarian fertility cycle.[22]
Cosmology, iconography, temples and rites
The "Zbruch Idol" preserved at Krakow Archaeological Museum
Slavs serving their Gods, a 19th-century woodcut
The cosmology of ancient Slavic religion, which is preserved in contemporary Slavic folk religion, is visualised as a three-tiered vertical structure, or "world tree", as common in other Indo-European religio. At the top there is the heavenly plane, symbolised by birds, the sun and the moon; the middle plane is that of earthly humanity, symbolised by bees and men; at the bottom of the structure there is the netherworld, symbolised by snakes and beave, and by the chthonic god Veles. The Zbruch Idol (which was identified at fit as a representation of Svetovid[27]), found in western Ukraine, represents this theo-cosmology: the three-layered effigy of the four major deities—Perun, Dazhbog, Mokosh and Lada—is cotituted by a top level with four figures representing them, facing the four cardinal directio; a middle level with representatio of a human ritual community (khorovod); and a bottom level with the representation of a three-headed chthonic god, Veles, who sustai the entire structure.[28]
The scholar Jiří Dynda studied the figure of Triglav (literally the "Three-Headed One") and Svetovid, which are widely attested in archaeological testimonies, as the respectively three-headed and four-headed representatio of the same axis mundi, of the same supreme God.[29] Triglav itself was connected to the symbols of the tree and the mountain, which are other common symbols of the axis mundi, and in this quality he was a summus deus (a sum of all things), as recorded by Ebbo (c. 775–851).[30] Triglav represents the vertical interconnection of the three worlds, reflected by the three social functio studied by Dumézil: sacerdotal, martial and economic.[31] Ebbo himself documented that the Triglav was seen as embodying the connection and mediation between Heaven, Earth and the underworld.[32] Adam of Bremen (c. 1040s–1080s) described the Triglav of Wolin as Neptunus triplicis naturae (that is to say "Neptune of the three natures/generatio") attesting the colou that were associated to the three worlds, also studied by Karel Jaromír Erben (1811–1870): white for Heaven, green for Earth and black for the underworld.[31] It also represents the three dimeio of time, mythologically rendered in the figure of a three-threaded rope. Triglav is Perun in the heavenly plane, Svetovid in the centre from which the horizontal four directio unfold, and Veles the psychopomp in the underworld.[33] Svetovid is interpreted by Dynda as the incarnation of the axis mundi in the four dimeio of space.[34] Helmold defined Svetovid as deus deorum ("god of all gods").[35]
Besides Triglav and Svetovid, other deities were represented with many heads. This is attested by chronicle who wrote about West Slavs, including Saxo Grammaticus (c. 1160–1220). According to him, Rugievit in Charenza was represented with seven faces, which converged at the top in a single crown.[36] These three-, four- or many-headed images, wooden or carved in stone,[28] some covered in metal,[18] which held drinking hor and were decorated with solar symbols and hoes, were kept in temples, of which numerous archaeological remai have been found. They were built on upraised platforms, frequently on hills,[28] but also at the confluences of rive.[18] The biographe of Otto of Bamberg (1060/1061–1139) inform that these temples were known as continae, "dwellings", among West Slavs, testifying that they were regarded as the houses of the gods.[36] They were wooden buildings with an inner cell with the god's statue, located in wider walled enclosures or fortificatio; such fortificatio might contain up to four continae.[18] Different continae were owned by different ki, and used for the ritual banquets in honour of their own ancestor-gods. These ritual banquets are known variously, across Slavic countries, as bratchina (from brat, "brother"), mol'ba ("entreaty", "supplication") and kanun (short religious service) in Russia; slava ("glorification") in Serbia; sobor ("assembly") and kurban ("sacrifice") in Bulgaria. With Christianisation, the ancestor-gods were replaced with Christian patron saints.[18]
There were also holy places with no buildings, where the deity was believed to manifest in nature itself; such locatio were characterised by the combined presence of trees and springs, according to the description of one such sites in Szczecin by Otto of Bamberg. A shrine of the same type in Kobarid, contemporary Slovenia, was stamped out in a "crusade" as recently as 1331.[37] Usually, common people were not allowed into the presence of the images of their gods, the sight of which was a privilege of the priests. Many of these images were seen and described only in the moment of their violent destruction at the hands of the Christian missionaries.[3] The priests (volkhvs), who kept the temples and led rituals and festivals, enjoyed a great degree of prestige; they received tributes and shares of military booties by the ki' chiefs.[18]
History
Kievan Rus' official religion and popular cults
In 980 CE,[38] in Kievan Rus', led by the Great Prince Vladimir, there was an attempt to unify the various beliefs and priestly practices of Slavic religion in order to bind together the Slavic peoples in the growing centralised state. Vladimir canonised a number of deities, to whom he erected a temple on the hills of the capital Kiev.[39] These deities, recorded in the Primary Chronicle, were five: Perun, Xo Dazhbog,[40] Stribog, Simargl and Mokosh.[41] Various other deities were wohipped by the common people, notably Veles who had a temple in the merchant's district of Podil of the capital itself.[42] According to schola, Vladimir's project coisted in a number of reforms that he had already started by the 970s, and which were aimed at preserving the traditio of the ki and making Kiev the spiritual centre of East Slavdom.[43]
Perun was the god of thunder, law and war, symbolised by the oak and the mallet (or throwing stones), and identified with the Baltic Perkunas, the Germanic Thor and the Vedic Indra among othe; his cult was practised not so much by commone but mainly by the aristocracy. Veles was the god of horned livestock (Skotibog), of wealth and of the underworld. Perun and Veles symbolised an oppositional and yet complementary duality similar to that of the Vedic Mitra and Varuna, an eternal struggle between heavenly and chthonic forces. Roman Jakobson himself identified Veles as the Vedic Varuna, god of oaths and of the world order. This belief in a cosmic duality was likely the reason that led to the exclusion of Veles from Vladimir's official temple in Kiev.[44] Xo Dazhbog ("Radiant Giving-God") was the god of the life-bringing power of the sun. Stribog was identified by E. G. Kagarov as the god of wind, storm and disseion.[41] Mokosh, the only female deity in Vladimir's pantheon, is interpreted as meaning the "Wet" or "Moist" by Jakobson, identifying her with the Mat Syra Zemlya ("Damp Mother Earth") of later folk religion.[45] According to schola, Xo Dazhbog, Simargl and Stribog represent the unmistakable Indo-Iranian (Scythian and Sarmatian) component of Slavic religion.[42]
According to Ivanits, written sources from the Middle Ages "leave no doubt whatsoever" that the common Slavic peoples continued to wohip their indigenous deities and hold their rituals for centuries after Kievan Rus' official baptism into Christianity, and the lower clergy of the newly formed Orthodox Christian church often joined the celebratio.[41] The high clergy repeatedly condemned, through official admonitio, the wohip of Rod and the Rozhanitsy ("God and the Goddesses", or "Generation and the generatrixes") with offerings of bread, porridge, cheese and mead. Schola of Russian religion define Rod as the "general power of birth and reproduction" and the Rozhanitsy as the "mistresses of individual destiny". Kagarov identified the later Domovoi, the god of the household and kihip ancestry, as a specific manifestation of Rod. Other gods attested in medieval documents remain largely mysterious, for itance Lada and her so Lel and Polel, who are often identified by schola with the Greek gods Leda or Leto and her twin so Castor and Pollux. Other figures who in medieval documents are often presented as deities, such as Kupala and Koliada, were rather the peonificatio of the spirits of agrarian holidays.[45]
Christianisation of the East Slavs
Further information: Christianisation of Kievan Rus'
The Fiery Chariot of the Word—19th-century Russian icon of the Theotokos as Ognyena Maria ("Fiery Mary"), fire goddess sister of Perun, and a glaring example of Slavic religious themes in Christianised fashion.[46] Belief in a mother goddess as receptacle of life, Mat Syra Zemlya ("Damp Mother Earth"), was preserved in Russian folk religion up to the 20th century, often disguised as the Virgin Mary of Christianity.[47] The fiery "six-petaled roses" that umbego the Ognyena are one of the variants of the whirling symbol of the supreme God (Rod).[19]
Vladimir's baptism, popular resistance and syncretism
In 988, Vladimir of Kievan Rus' rejected Slavic religion and he and his subjects were officially baptised into the Eastern Orthodox Church, then the state religion of the Byzantine Empire. According to legend, Vladimir sent delegates to foreign states to determine what was the most convincing religion to be adopted by Kiev.[2] Joyfulness and beauty were the primary characteristics of pre-Christian Slavic ceremonies, and the delegates sought for something capable of matching these qualities. They were crestfallen by the Islamic religion of Volga Bulgaria, where they found "no joy ... but sorrow and great stench", and by Western Christianity (then the Catholic Church) where they found "many wohip services, but nowhere ... beauty".[48] Those who visited Cotantinople were itead impressed by the arts and rituals of Byzantine Christianity.[2] According to the Primary Chronicle, after the choice was made Vladimir commanded that the Slavic temple on the Kievan hills be destroyed and the effigies of the gods be burned or thrown into the Dnieper. Slavic temples were destroyed throughout the lands of Kievan Rus' and Christian churches were built in their places.[2]
According to Ivakhiv, Christianisation was stronger in what is today western and central Ukraine, lands close to the capital Kiev. Slavic religion peisted, however, especially in northernmost regio of Slavic settlement, in what is today the central part of European Russia, such as the areas of Novgorod, Suzdal and Belozek. In the core regio of Christianisation themselves the common population remained attached to the volkhvs, the priests, who periodically, over centuries, led popular rebellio agait the central power and the Christian church. Christianisation was a very slow process among the Slavs, and the official Christian church adopted a policy of co-optation of pre-Christian elements into Slavic Christianity. Christian saints were identified with Slavic gods—for itance, the figure of Perun was overlapped with that of Saint Elias, Veles was identified with Saint Blasius, and Yarilo became Saint George—and Christian festivals were set at the same dates as pagan ones.[2]
Another feature of early Slavic Christianity was the strong influence of apocryphal literature, which became evident by the thirteenth century with the rise of Bogomilism among the South Slavs. South Slavic Bogomilism produced a large amount of apocryphal texts and their teachings later penetrated into Russia, and would have influenced later Slavic folk religion. Berhtam tells of a "flood" of apocryphal literature in eleventh- to fifteenth-century Russia, which might not be controlled by the still-weak Russian Orthodox Church.[49]
Continuity of Slavic religion in Russia up to the 15th century
Schola have highlighted how the "conveion of Rus" took place no more than eight yea after Vlardimir's reform of Slavic religion in 980; according to them Christianity in general did not have "any deep influence ... in the formation of the ideology, culture and social psychology of archaic societies" and the introduction of Christianity in Kiev "did not bring about a radical change in the cociousness of the society during the entire coue of early Russian history". It was portrayed as a mass and cocious conveion only by half a century later, by the scribes of the Christian establishment.[38] According to schola, the replacement of Slavic temples with Christian churches and the "baptism of Rus" has to be undetood in continuity with the foregoing chain of reforms of Slavic religion launched by Vladimir, rather than as a breaking point.[50]
V. G. Vlasov quotes the respected scholar of Slavic religion E. V. Anichkov, who, regarding Russia's Christianisation, said:[51]
Christianization of the countryside was the work, not of the eleventh and twelfth, but of the fifteenth and sixteenth or even seventeenth century.
According to Vlasov the ritual of baptism and mass conveion undergone by Vladimir in 988 was never repeated in the centuries to follow, and mastery of Christian teachings was never accomplished on the popular level even by the start of the twentieth century. According to him, a nominal, superficial identification with Christianity was possible with the superimposition of a Christianised agrarian calendar ("Christian–Easter–Whitsunday") over the indigenous complex of festivals, "Koliada–Yarilo–Kupala". The analysis of the Christianised agrarian and ritual calendar, combined with data from popular astronomy, leads to determine that the Julian calendar associated with the Orthodox Church was adopted by Russian peasants between the sixteenth and seventeenth century. It was by this period that much of the Russian population became officially part of the Orthodox Church and therefore nominally Christia.[52] This occurred as an effect of a broader complex of phenomena which Russia underwent by the fifteenth century, that is to say radical changes towards a centralisation of state power, which involved urbanisation, bureaucratisation and the coolidation of serfdom of the peasantry.[53]
That the vast majority of the Russian population was not Christian back in the fifteenth century would be proven by archaeology: according to Vlasov, mound (kurgan) burials, which do not reflect Christian norms, were "a univeal phenomenon in Russia up to the fifteenth century", and peisted into the 1530s.[54] Moreover, chronicles from that period, such as the Pskov Chronicle, and archaeological data collected by N. M. Nikolsky, testify that back in the fifteenth century there were still "no rural churches for the general use of the populace; churches existed only at the courts of boya and princes".[55] It was only by the sixteenth century that the Russian Orthodox Church grew as a powerful, centralising ititution taking the Catholic Church of Rome as a model, and the distinctiveness of a Slavic folk religion became evident. The church condemned "heresies" and tried to eradicate the "false half-pagan" folk religion of the common people, but these measures coming from the centres of church power were largely ineffective, and on the local level creative syntheses of folk religious rituals and holidays continued to thrive.[56]
Sunwise Slavic religion, withehi Christianity, and Old Belief
Further information: Old Believe
Recotructed hipped-roofed Slavic temple at Groß Raden Museum
When the incorporation of the Russian population into Christianity became substantial in the middle of the sixteenth century, the Russian Orthodox Church absorbed further elements of pre-Christian and popular tradition and underwent a traformation of its architecture, with the adoption of the hipped roof which was traditionally associated to pre-Christian Slavic temples. The most significant change was however the adoption of the sunwise direction in Christian ritual procession.[57]
Christianity is characterised by withehi ritual movement, that is to say movement agait the coue of the sun. This was also the case in Slavic Christianity before the sixteenth century. Sunwise movements are itead characteristic of Slavic religion, evident in the khorovod, ritual circle-dance, which magically favou the development of things. Withehi movement was employed in popular rituals, too, though only in those occasio when it was coidered worthwhile to act agait the coue of nature, in order to alter the state of affai.[58]
When Patriarch Nikon of Moscow launched his reform of the Orthodox Church in 1656, he restored the withehi ritual movement. This was among the changes that led to a schism (raskol) within Russian Orthodoxy, between those who accepted the reforms and the Old Believe, who preserved itead the "ancient piety" derived from indigenous Slavic religion.[58] A large number of Russia and ethnic minorities converted to the movement of the Old Believe, in the broadest meaning of the term—including a variety of folk religio—pointed out by Berhtam, and these Old Believe were a significant part of the settle of broader European Russia and Siberia throughout the second half of the seventeenth century, which saw the expaion of the Russian state in these regio. Old Believe were distinguished by their cohesion, literacy and initiative, and cotantly-emerging new religious sects tended to identify themselves with the movement. This posed a great hitch to the Russian Orthodox Church's project of thorough Christianisation of the masses.[59] Veletskaya highlighted how the Old Believe have preserved Indo-European and early Slavic ideas and practices such as the veneration of fire as a channel to the divine world, the symbolism of the colour red, the search for a "glorious death", and more in general the holistic vision of a divine cosmos.[60]
Christianisation of the West Slavs
In the opinion of Davies,[61] the Christianization of Poland through the Czech–Polish alliance represented a cocious choice on the part of Polish rule to ally themselves with the Czech state rather than the German one. The Moravian cultural influence played a significant role in the spread of Christianity onto the Polish lands and the subsequent adoption of that religion. Christianity arrived around the late 9th century, most likely around the time when the Vistulan tribe encountered the Christian rite in dealings with their neighbou, the Great Moravia (Bohemian) state. The "Baptism of Poland" refe to the ceremony when the fit ruler of the Polish state, Mieszko I and much of his court, converted to the Christianity on the Holy Saturday of 14 April 966.[62]
In the eleventh century, Slavic pagan culture was "still in full working order" among the West Slavs. Christianity faced popular opposition, including an uprising in the 1030s (particularly intee in the yea of 1035–1037).[63] By the twelfth century, however, under the pressure of Germanisation, Catholicism was forcefully imposed through the Northern Crusades and temples and images of Slavic religion were violently destroyed. West Slavic populatio stood out vigorously agait Christianisation.[3] One of the most famous itances of popular resistance occurred at the temple-stronghold of Svetovid at Cape Arkona, in Rugia.[2] The temple at Arkona had a squared groundplan, with an inner hall sustained by four pilla which contained Svetovid's statue.[64] The latter had four heads, represented beardless and cleahaven after the Rugian fashion. In the right hand, the statue held a horn of precious metal, which was used for divination during the yearly great festival of the god.[65] In 1168, Arkona surrendered to the Danish troops of King Valdemar I, and the bishop Absalon led the destruction of the temple of Svetovid.[3]
Slavic folk religion
Burning the straw effigy of Marzanna, on Maslenitsa holiday, in Belgorod
Ethnography in late-nineteenth-century Ukraine documented a "thorough synthesis of pagan and Christian elements" in Slavic folk religion, a system often called "double belief" (Russian: dvoeverie, Ukrainian: dvovirya).[22] According to Berhtam, dvoeverie is still used to this day in scholarly works to define Slavic folk religion, which is seen by certain schola as having preserved much of pre-Christian Slavic religion, "poorly and traparently" covered by a Christianity that may be easily "stripped away" to reveal more or less "pure" patter of the original faith.[66] Since the collapse of the Soviet Union there has been a new wave of scholarly debate on the subjects of Slavic folk religion and dvoeverie. A. E. Musin, an academic and deacon of the Russian Orthodox Church published an article about the "problem of double belief" as recently as 1991. In this article he divides schola between those who say that Russian Orthodoxy adapted to entrenched indigenous faith, continuing the Soviet idea of an "undefeated paganism", and those who say that Russian Orthodoxy is an out-and-out syncretic religion.[67] Berhtam challenges dualistic notio of dvoeverie and proposes to interpret broader Slavic religiosity as a mnogoverie ("multifaith") continuum, in which a higher layer of Orthodox Christian officialdom is alternated with a variety of "Old Beliefs" among the various strata of the population.[68]
According to Ivanits, nineteenth- and twentieth-century Slavic folk religion's central concern was fertility, propitiated with rites celebrating death and resurrection. Schola of Slavic religion who focused on nineteenth-century folk religion were often led to mistakes such as the interpretation of Rod and Rozhanitsy as figures of a merely ancestral cult; however in medieval documents Rod is equated with the ancient Egyptian god Osiris, representing a broader concept of natural generativity.[69] Belief in the holiness of Mat Syra Zemlya ("Damp Mother Earth") is another feature that has peisted into modern Slavic folk religion; up to the twentieth century, Russian peasants practised a variety of rituals devoted to her and confessed their si to her in the absence of a priest. Ivanits also reports that in the region of Vladimir old people practised a ritual asking Earth's forgiveness prior to their death. A number of schola attributed the Russia' particular devotion to the Theotokos, the "Mother of God", to this still powerful pre-Christian substratum of devotion to a great mother goddess.[69]
Ivanits attributes the tenacity of synthetic Slavic folk religion to an exceptionality of Slavs and of Russia in particular, compared to other European countries; "the Russian case is extreme", she says, because Russia—especially the vastity of rural Russia—neither lived the intellectual upheavals of the Renaissance, nor the Reformation, nor the Age of Enlightenment, which severely weakened folk spirituality in the rest of Europe.[70]
Slavic folk religious festivals and rites reflect the times of the ancient pagan calendar. For itance, the Christmas period is marked by the rites of Koliada, characterised by the element of fire, processio and ritual drama, offerings of food and drink to the ancesto. Spring and summer rites are characterised by fire- and water-related imagery spinning umbe the figures of the gods Yarilo, Kupala and Marzanna. The switching of seasonal spirits is celebrated through the interaction of effigies of these spirits and the elements which symbolise the coming season; for itance by burning, drowning or setting the effigies onto water, and the "rolling of burning wheels of straw down into rive".[22]
Modern Rodnovery
Part of a series on
Slavic Native Faith
Kolovrat
Theory[show]
Denominatio[show]
Ititutio[show]
Spread[show]
Sources[show]
vte
Main article: Slavic Native Faith
Since the early twentieth century there has been a reinvention and reititutionalisation of "Slavic religion" in the so-called movement of "Rodnovery", literally "Slavic Native Faith". The movement draws from ancient Slavic folk religion, often combining it with philosophical underpinnings taken from other religio, chiefly Hinduism.[71]:26 Some Rodnover groups focus almost exclusively on folk religio and the wohip of gods at the right times of the year, while othe have developed a scriptural core, represented by writings purported to be centuries-old documents such as the Book of Veles; writings which elaborate powerful national mythologemes such as the Maha Vira of Sylenkoism;[72] and esoteric writings such as the Slavo-Aryan Vedas of Ynglism.[71]:50
Recotructed calendar of celebratio
See also: Slavic calendar
Linda J. Ivanits recotructed a basic calendar of the celebratio of the most important Slavic gods among East Slavs, based on Boris Rybakov's studies on ancient agricultural calenda, especially a fourth-century one from an area around Kiev.[19]
Festival Date (Julian or Gregorian) Deity celebrated Overlapped Christian festival or figure
Yuletide (Koliada) Winter solstice Rod – fit half
Veles – second half Christmas, Baptism of the Lord, Epiphany
Shrovetide (Komoeditsa) Spring equinox Veles A
Day of Young Shoots May 2 A Saints Boris and Gleb
Semik June 4 Yarilo A
Rusalnaya Week June 17–23 Simargl Trinity Sunday
Kupala Night / Kupalo June 24 A Saint John the Baptist
Festival of Perun July 20 Rod—Perun Saint Elijah
Harvest festivals July 24 / September 9 Rodzanica—Rodzanicy Feast of the Trafiguration (August 6) / Birthday of the Mother of God (September 8)
Festival of Mokosh October 28 Mokosh Saint Paraskeva's Friday
See also
Proto-Indo-European religion
Proto-Indo-Iranian religion
Historical Vedic religion
Zagavory
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"Slavic religion" redirects here. For other uses, see Slavic religion (disambiguation).
A priest of Svantevit depicted on a stone from Arkona, now in the church of Altenkirchen.
Slavic paganism or Slavic religion describes the religious beliefs, myths and ritual practices of the Slavs before the formal Christianisation of their ruling elites. The latter occurred at various stages between the 8th and the 13th century:[1] The South Slavs living on the Balkan Peniula in South Eastern Europe, bordering with the Byzantine Empire to the south, came under the sphere of influence of Byzantine Orthodox Christianity, beginning with the creation of the Slavic alphabet (fit Glagolitic, and then Cyrillic script) in 855 by the brothe Saints Cyril and Methodius and the adoption of Christianity in Bulgaria in 863 CE. The East Slavs followed with the official adoption in 988 CE by Vladimir the Great of Kievan Rus'.[2]
The West Slavs came under the sphere of influence of the Roman Catholic Church starting in the 12th century, and Christianisation for them went hand in hand with full or partial Germanisation.[3]
The Christianisation of the Slavic peoples was, however, a slow and—in many cases—superficial phenomenon, especially in what is today Russia. Christianisation was vigorous in western and central parts of what is today Ukraine, as they were closer to the capital Kiev, but even there, popular resistance led by volkhvs, pagan priests or shama, recurred periodically for centuries.[2]
The West Slavs of the Baltic withstood tenaciously agait Christianity until it was violently imposed on them through the Northern Crusades.[3] Among Poles and East Slavs, rebellion outbreaks occurred throughout the 11th century.[1] Christian chronicle reported that the Slavs regularly re-embraced their original religion (relapsi sunt denuo ad paganismus).[4]
Many elements of the indigenous Slavic religion were officially incorporated into Slavic Christianity,[2] and, besides this, the wohip of Slavic gods has peisted in unofficial folk religion until modern times.[5] The Slavs' resistance to Christianity gave rise to a "whimsical syncretism" which in Old Church Slavonic vocabulary was defined as dvoeverie, "double faith".[1] Since the early 20th century, Slavic folk religion has undergone an organised reinvention and reincorporation in the movement of Slavic Native Faith (Rodnovery).
Contents
1 Overview and common features
1.1 Indo-European origi and other influences
1.2 God and spirits
1.3 Cosmology, iconography, temples and rites
2 History
2.1 Kievan Rus' official religion and popular cults
2.2 Christianisation of the East Slavs
2.2.1 Vladimir's baptism, popular resistance and syncretism
2.2.2 Continuity of Slavic religion in Russia up to the 15th century
2.2.3 Sunwise Slavic religion, withehi Christianity, and Old Belief
2.3 Christianisation of the West Slavs
2.4 Slavic folk religion
2.5 Modern Rodnovery
3 Recotructed calendar of celebratio
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
6.1 Citatio
6.2 Sources
6.3 Further reading
7 External links
Overview and common features
"The Celebration of Svantovit in Rujana: When Gods Are at War, Salvation is in the Art" (Slavnost Svantovítova: Když jsou bohové ve válce, pak je umění spásou)—Alphoe Mucha, 1912. Pagan-themed painting part of The Slav Epic.[note 1]
Twentieth-century schola who puued the study of ancient Slavic religion include Vyacheslav Ivanov, Vladimir Toporov, Marija Gimbutas, Boris Rybakov,[7] and Roman Jakobson amongst othe. Rybakov is noted for his effort of re-examination of medieval ecclesiastical texts, synthesising his findings with archaeological data, comparative mythology, ethnography and nineteenth-century folk practices, and for having given one of the most coherent pictures of ancient Slavic religion in his major book Paganism of the Ancient Slavs and other works.[8] Among earlier, nineteenth-century schola there was Bernhard Severin Ingemann, known for his study of Fundamentals of a North Slavic and Wendish mythology.
Historical documents about Slavic religion include the Primary Chronicle, compiled in Kiev around 1111, and the Novgorod Fit Chronicle compiled in the Novgorod Republic. They contain detailed reports of the annihilation of the official Slavic religion of Kiev and Novgorod, and the subsequent "double faith". The Primary Chronicle also contai the authentic text of Rus-Greek treatises (dated 945 and 971) with native pre-Christian oaths. From the eleventh century onwards, various Rus writings were produced agait the survival of Slavic religion, and Slavic gods were interpolated in the tralatio of foreign literary works, such as the Malalas Chronicle and the Alexandreis.[1]
The West Slavs who dwelt in the area between the Vistula and the Elbe stubbornly resisted the Northern Crusades, and the history of their resistance is written down in the Latin Chronicles of three German clergymen—Thietmar of Meeburg and Adam of Bremen in the eleventh century and Helmold in the twelfth—, in the twelfth-century biographies of Otto of Bamberg, and in Saxo Grammaticus' thirteenth-century Gesta Danorum. These documents, together with minor German documents and the Icelandic Knýtlinga saga, provide an accurate description of northwestern Slavic religion.[1]
The religio of other Slavic populatio are less documented, because writings about the theme were produced late in time after Christianisation, such as the fifteenth-century Polish Chronicle, and contain a lot of sheer inventio. In the times preceding Christianisation, some Greek and Roman chronicle, such as Procopius and Jordanes in the sixth century, spaely documented some Slavic concepts and practices. Slavic paganism survived, in more or less pure forms, among the Slovenes along the Soča river up to the 1330s.[9]
Indo-European origi and other influences
Further information: Deities of Slavic religion
The linguistic unity, and negligible dialectal differentiation, of the Slavs until the end of the fit millennium CE, and the lexical uniformity of religious vocabulary, witness a uniformity of early Slavic religion.[9] It has been argued that the essence of early Slavdom was ethnoreligious before being ethnonational; that is to say, belonging to the Slavs was chiefly determined by conforming to certain beliefs and practices rather than by having a certain racial ancestry or being born in a certain place.[10] Ivanov and Toporov identified Slavic religion as an outgrowth of a common Proto-Indo-European religion, sharing strong similarities with other neighbouring Indo-European belief systems such as those of Balts, Thracia, Phrygia and Indo-Irania.[11] Slavic (and Baltic) religion and mythology is coidered more coervative and closer to original Proto-Indo-European religion—and thus precious for the latter's undetanding—than other Indo-European traditio, due to the fact that, throughout the history of the Slavs, it remained a popular religion rather than being reworked and sophisticated by intellectual elites as it happened to other Indo-European religious cultures.[12]
The affinity with Proto-Indo-Iranian religion is evident in shared developments, including the elimination of the name of the supreme God of Heaven, Dyeus, and its substitution by the term for "cloud" (Slavic Nebo),[9] the shift of the Indo-European descriptor of heavenly deities (Avestan daeva, Old Church Slavonic div; Proto-Indo-European deiwos, "celestial", derived from Dyeus) to the designation of evil entities, and the parallel designation of gods by the term meaning both "wealth" and its "giver" (Avestan baga, Old Church Slavonic bog).[13] Much of the religious vocabulary of the Slavs, including vera ("faith", right choice between good and evil), svet ("holy"), mir ("peace", "agreement of parts") and rai ("paradise"), is shared with Iranian.[14]
According to Adrian Ivakhiv, the Indo-European element of Slavic religion may have included what Georges Dumézil studied as the "trifunctional hypothesis", that is to say a threefold conception of the social order, represented by the three castes of priests, warrio and farme. According to Gimbutas Slavic religion represented an unmistakable overlapping of Indo-European patriarchal themes and pre-Indo-European—or what she called "Old European"—matrifocal themes. The latter were particularly hardwearing in Slavic religion, represented by the widespread devotion to Mat Syra Zemlya, the "Damp Mother Earth". Rybakov said the continuity and gradual complexification of Slavic religion, which started from devotion to life-giving forces (bereginy), ancesto and the supreme God, Rod ("Generation" itself), and developed into the "high mythology" of the official religion of the early Kievan Rus'.[15]
God and spirits
Hierarchy of the divine, with the two categories proceeding from the supreme God, as illustrated by Georg F. Creuzer and Franz J. Mone.[16]
Northwestern Slavic hierarchy of the divine, as illustrated by Ignác Jan Hanuš.[17]
As attested by Helmold (c. 1120–1177) in his Chronica Slavorum, the Slavs believed in a single heavenly God begetting all the lesser spirits governing nature, and wohipped it by their mea.[18] According to Helmold, "obeying the duties assigned to them, [the deities] have sprung from his [the supreme God's] blood and enjoy distinction in proportion to their nearness to the god of the gods".[14] According to Rybakov's studies, wheel symbols such as the "thunder marks" (gromovoi znak) and the "six-petaled rose iide a circle" (e.g. ), which are so common in Slavic folk crafts, and which were still carved on edges and peaks of roofs in northern Russia in the nineteenth century, were symbols of the supreme life-giver Rod.[19] Before its conceptualisation as Rod as studied by Rybakov, this supreme God was known as Deivos (cognate with Sakrit Deva, Latin Deus, Old High German Ziu and Lithuanian Dievas).[18] The Slavs believed that from this God proceeded a cosmic duality, represented by Belobog ("White God") and Chernobog ("Black God", also named Tiarnoglofi, "Black Head/Mind"),[18] representing the root of all the heavenly-masculine and the earthly-feminine deities, or the waxing light and waning light gods, respectively.[20] In both categories, deities might be either Razi, "rede-give", or Zirnitra, "wizards".[21]
The Slavs perceived the world as enlivened by a variety of spirits, which they represented as peo and wohipped. These spirits included those of wate (mavka and rusalka), forests (lisovyk), fields (polyovyk), those of households (domovyk), those of illnesses, luck and human ancesto.[22] For itance, Leshy is an important woodland spirit, believed to distribute food assigning preys to hunte, later regarded as a god of flocks and herds, and still wohipped in this function in early twentieth-century Russia. Many gods were regarded by ki (rod or pleme) as their ancesto, and the idea of ancestrality was so important that Slavic religion may be epitomised as a "manism" (i.e. wohip of ancesto), though the Slavs did not keep genealogical records.[18] The Slavs also wohipped star-gods, including the moon (Russian: Mesyats) and the sun (Solntse), the former regarded as male and the latter as female. The moon-god was particularly important, regarded as the dispeer of abundance and health, wohipped through round dances, and in some traditio coidered the progenitor of mankind. The belief in the moon-god was still very much alive in the nineteenth century, and peasants in the Ukrainian Carpathia openly affirm that the moon is their god.[18]
There was an evident continuity between the beliefs of the East Slavs, West Slavs and South Slavs. They shared the same traditional deities, as attested, for itance, by the wohip of Zuarasiz among the West Slavs, corresponding to Svarožič among the East Slavs.[23] All the bright male deities were regarded as the hypostases, forms or phases in the year, of the active, masculine divine force peonified by Perun ("Thunder"). His name, from the Indo-European root per or perkw ("to strike", "splinter"), signified both the splintering thunder and the splintered tree (especially the oak; the Latin name of this tree, quercus, comes from the same root), regarded as symbols of the irradiation of the force. This root also gave rise to the Vedic Parjanya, the Baltic Perkunas, the Albanian Perëndi (now denoting "God" and "sky"), the Germanic Fjörgynn and the Greek Keraunós ("thunderbolt", rhymic form of Peraunós, used as an epithet of Zeus).[24] Prĕgyni or peregyni, in modern Russian folklore rendered bregynja or beregynja (from breg, bereg, meaning "shore") and reinterpreted as female water spirits, were rather—as attested by chronicles and highlighted by the root per—spirits of trees and rive related to Perun.[25] Slavic traditio preserved very ancient Indo-European elements and intermingled with those of neighbouring Indo-European peoples. An exemplary case are the South Slavic still-living rain rituals of the couple Perun–Perperuna, Lord and Lady Thunder, shared with the neighbouring Albania, Greeks and Arumania, corresponding to the Germanic Fjörgynn–Fjörgyn, the Lithuanian Perkūnas–Perkūna, and finding similarities in the Vedic hym to Parjanya.[26]
The West Slavs, especially those of the Baltic, wohipped prominently Svetovid ("Lord of Power"), while the East Slavs wohipped prominently Perun himself, especially after Vladimir's 970s–980s reforms.[19] The various spirits were believed to manifest in certain places, which were revered as numinous and holy; they included springs, rive, groves, rounded tops of hills and flat cliffs overlooking rive. Calendrical rituals were attuned with the spirits, which were believed to have periods of waxing and waning throughout the year, determining the agrarian fertility cycle.[22]
Cosmology, iconography, temples and rites
The "Zbruch Idol" preserved at Krakow Archaeological Museum
Slavs serving their Gods, a 19th-century woodcut
The cosmology of ancient Slavic religion, which is preserved in contemporary Slavic folk religion, is visualised as a three-tiered vertical structure, or "world tree", as common in other Indo-European religio. At the top there is the heavenly plane, symbolised by birds, the sun and the moon; the middle plane is that of earthly humanity, symbolised by bees and men; at the bottom of the structure there is the netherworld, symbolised by snakes and beave, and by the chthonic god Veles. The Zbruch Idol (which was identified at fit as a representation of Svetovid[27]), found in western Ukraine, represents this theo-cosmology: the three-layered effigy of the four major deities—Perun, Dazhbog, Mokosh and Lada—is cotituted by a top level with four figures representing them, facing the four cardinal directio; a middle level with representatio of a human ritual community (khorovod); and a bottom level with the representation of a three-headed chthonic god, Veles, who sustai the entire structure.[28]
The scholar Jiří Dynda studied the figure of Triglav (literally the "Three-Headed One") and Svetovid, which are widely attested in archaeological testimonies, as the respectively three-headed and four-headed representatio of the same axis mundi, of the same supreme God.[29] Triglav itself was connected to the symbols of the tree and the mountain, which are other common symbols of the axis mundi, and in this quality he was a summus deus (a sum of all things), as recorded by Ebbo (c. 775–851).[30] Triglav represents the vertical interconnection of the three worlds, reflected by the three social functio studied by Dumézil: sacerdotal, martial and economic.[31] Ebbo himself documented that the Triglav was seen as embodying the connection and mediation between Heaven, Earth and the underworld.[32] Adam of Bremen (c. 1040s–1080s) described the Triglav of Wolin as Neptunus triplicis naturae (that is to say "Neptune of the three natures/generatio") attesting the colou that were associated to the three worlds, also studied by Karel Jaromír Erben (1811–1870): white for Heaven, green for Earth and black for the underworld.[31] It also represents the three dimeio of time, mythologically rendered in the figure of a three-threaded rope. Triglav is Perun in the heavenly plane, Svetovid in the centre from which the horizontal four directio unfold, and Veles the psychopomp in the underworld.[33] Svetovid is interpreted by Dynda as the incarnation of the axis mundi in the four dimeio of space.[34] Helmold defined Svetovid as deus deorum ("god of all gods").[35]
Besides Triglav and Svetovid, other deities were represented with many heads. This is attested by chronicle who wrote about West Slavs, including Saxo Grammaticus (c. 1160–1220). According to him, Rugievit in Charenza was represented with seven faces, which converged at the top in a single crown.[36] These three-, four- or many-headed images, wooden or carved in stone,[28] some covered in metal,[18] which held drinking hor and were decorated with solar symbols and hoes, were kept in temples, of which numerous archaeological remai have been found. They were built on upraised platforms, frequently on hills,[28] but also at the confluences of rive.[18] The biographe of Otto of Bamberg (1060/1061–1139) inform that these temples were known as continae, "dwellings", among West Slavs, testifying that they were regarded as the houses of the gods.[36] They were wooden buildings with an inner cell with the god's statue, located in wider walled enclosures or fortificatio; such fortificatio might contain up to four continae.[18] Different continae were owned by different ki, and used for the ritual banquets in honour of their own ancestor-gods. These ritual banquets are known variously, across Slavic countries, as bratchina (from brat, "brother"), mol'ba ("entreaty", "supplication") and kanun (short religious service) in Russia; slava ("glorification") in Serbia; sobor ("assembly") and kurban ("sacrifice") in Bulgaria. With Christianisation, the ancestor-gods were replaced with Christian patron saints.[18]
There were also holy places with no buildings, where the deity was believed to manifest in nature itself; such locatio were characterised by the combined presence of trees and springs, according to the description of one such sites in Szczecin by Otto of Bamberg. A shrine of the same type in Kobarid, contemporary Slovenia, was stamped out in a "crusade" as recently as 1331.[37] Usually, common people were not allowed into the presence of the images of their gods, the sight of which was a privilege of the priests. Many of these images were seen and described only in the moment of their violent destruction at the hands of the Christian missionaries.[3] The priests (volkhvs), who kept the temples and led rituals and festivals, enjoyed a great degree of prestige; they received tributes and shares of military booties by the ki' chiefs.[18]
History
Kievan Rus' official religion and popular cults
In 980 CE,[38] in Kievan Rus', led by the Great Prince Vladimir, there was an attempt to unify the various beliefs and priestly practices of Slavic religion in order to bind together the Slavic peoples in the growing centralised state. Vladimir canonised a number of deities, to whom he erected a temple on the hills of the capital Kiev.[39] These deities, recorded in the Primary Chronicle, were five: Perun, Xo Dazhbog,[40] Stribog, Simargl and Mokosh.[41] Various other deities were wohipped by the common people, notably Veles who had a temple in the merchant's district of Podil of the capital itself.[42] According to schola, Vladimir's project coisted in a number of reforms that he had already started by the 970s, and which were aimed at preserving the traditio of the ki and making Kiev the spiritual centre of East Slavdom.[43]
Perun was the god of thunder, law and war, symbolised by the oak and the mallet (or throwing stones), and identified with the Baltic Perkunas, the Germanic Thor and the Vedic Indra among othe; his cult was practised not so much by commone but mainly by the aristocracy. Veles was the god of horned livestock (Skotibog), of wealth and of the underworld. Perun and Veles symbolised an oppositional and yet complementary duality similar to that of the Vedic Mitra and Varuna, an eternal struggle between heavenly and chthonic forces. Roman Jakobson himself identified Veles as the Vedic Varuna, god of oaths and of the world order. This belief in a cosmic duality was likely the reason that led to the exclusion of Veles from Vladimir's official temple in Kiev.[44] Xo Dazhbog ("Radiant Giving-God") was the god of the life-bringing power of the sun. Stribog was identified by E. G. Kagarov as the god of wind, storm and disseion.[41] Mokosh, the only female deity in Vladimir's pantheon, is interpreted as meaning the "Wet" or "Moist" by Jakobson, identifying her with the Mat Syra Zemlya ("Damp Mother Earth") of later folk religion.[45] According to schola, Xo Dazhbog, Simargl and Stribog represent the unmistakable Indo-Iranian (Scythian and Sarmatian) component of Slavic religion.[42]
According to Ivanits, written sources from the Middle Ages "leave no doubt whatsoever" that the common Slavic peoples continued to wohip their indigenous deities and hold their rituals for centuries after Kievan Rus' official baptism into Christianity, and the lower clergy of the newly formed Orthodox Christian church often joined the celebratio.[41] The high clergy repeatedly condemned, through official admonitio, the wohip of Rod and the Rozhanitsy ("God and the Goddesses", or "Generation and the generatrixes") with offerings of bread, porridge, cheese and mead. Schola of Russian religion define Rod as the "general power of birth and reproduction" and the Rozhanitsy as the "mistresses of individual destiny". Kagarov identified the later Domovoi, the god of the household and kihip ancestry, as a specific manifestation of Rod. Other gods attested in medieval documents remain largely mysterious, for itance Lada and her so Lel and Polel, who are often identified by schola with the Greek gods Leda or Leto and her twin so Castor and Pollux. Other figures who in medieval documents are often presented as deities, such as Kupala and Koliada, were rather the peonificatio of the spirits of agrarian holidays.[45]
Christianisation of the East Slavs
Further information: Christianisation of Kievan Rus'
The Fiery Chariot of the Word—19th-century Russian icon of the Theotokos as Ognyena Maria ("Fiery Mary"), fire goddess sister of Perun, and a glaring example of Slavic religious themes in Christianised fashion.[46] Belief in a mother goddess as receptacle of life, Mat Syra Zemlya ("Damp Mother Earth"), was preserved in Russian folk religion up to the 20th century, often disguised as the Virgin Mary of Christianity.[47] The fiery "six-petaled roses" that umbego the Ognyena are one of the variants of the whirling symbol of the supreme God (Rod).[19]
Vladimir's baptism, popular resistance and syncretism
In 988, Vladimir of Kievan Rus' rejected Slavic religion and he and his subjects were officially baptised into the Eastern Orthodox Church, then the state religion of the Byzantine Empire. According to legend, Vladimir sent delegates to foreign states to determine what was the most convincing religion to be adopted by Kiev.[2] Joyfulness and beauty were the primary characteristics of pre-Christian Slavic ceremonies, and the delegates sought for something capable of matching these qualities. They were crestfallen by the Islamic religion of Volga Bulgaria, where they found "no joy ... but sorrow and great stench", and by Western Christianity (then the Catholic Church) where they found "many wohip services, but nowhere ... beauty".[48] Those who visited Cotantinople were itead impressed by the arts and rituals of Byzantine Christianity.[2] According to the Primary Chronicle, after the choice was made Vladimir commanded that the Slavic temple on the Kievan hills be destroyed and the effigies of the gods be burned or thrown into the Dnieper. Slavic temples were destroyed throughout the lands of Kievan Rus' and Christian churches were built in their places.[2]
According to Ivakhiv, Christianisation was stronger in what is today western and central Ukraine, lands close to the capital Kiev. Slavic religion peisted, however, especially in northernmost regio of Slavic settlement, in what is today the central part of European Russia, such as the areas of Novgorod, Suzdal and Belozek. In the core regio of Christianisation themselves the common population remained attached to the volkhvs, the priests, who periodically, over centuries, led popular rebellio agait the central power and the Christian church. Christianisation was a very slow process among the Slavs, and the official Christian church adopted a policy of co-optation of pre-Christian elements into Slavic Christianity. Christian saints were identified with Slavic gods—for itance, the figure of Perun was overlapped with that of Saint Elias, Veles was identified with Saint Blasius, and Yarilo became Saint George—and Christian festivals were set at the same dates as pagan ones.[2]
Another feature of early Slavic Christianity was the strong influence of apocryphal literature, which became evident by the thirteenth century with the rise of Bogomilism among the South Slavs. South Slavic Bogomilism produced a large amount of apocryphal texts and their teachings later penetrated into Russia, and would have influenced later Slavic folk religion. Berhtam tells of a "flood" of apocryphal literature in eleventh- to fifteenth-century Russia, which might not be controlled by the still-weak Russian Orthodox Church.[49]
Continuity of Slavic religion in Russia up to the 15th century
Schola have highlighted how the "conveion of Rus" took place no more than eight yea after Vlardimir's reform of Slavic religion in 980; according to them Christianity in general did not have "any deep influence ... in the formation of the ideology, culture and social psychology of archaic societies" and the introduction of Christianity in Kiev "did not bring about a radical change in the cociousness of the society during the entire coue of early Russian history". It was portrayed as a mass and cocious conveion only by half a century later, by the scribes of the Christian establishment.[38] According to schola, the replacement of Slavic temples with Christian churches and the "baptism of Rus" has to be undetood in continuity with the foregoing chain of reforms of Slavic religion launched by Vladimir, rather than as a breaking point.[50]
V. G. Vlasov quotes the respected scholar of Slavic religion E. V. Anichkov, who, regarding Russia's Christianisation, said:[51]
Christianization of the countryside was the work, not of the eleventh and twelfth, but of the fifteenth and sixteenth or even seventeenth century.
According to Vlasov the ritual of baptism and mass conveion undergone by Vladimir in 988 was never repeated in the centuries to follow, and mastery of Christian teachings was never accomplished on the popular level even by the start of the twentieth century. According to him, a nominal, superficial identification with Christianity was possible with the superimposition of a Christianised agrarian calendar ("Christian–Easter–Whitsunday") over the indigenous complex of festivals, "Koliada–Yarilo–Kupala". The analysis of the Christianised agrarian and ritual calendar, combined with data from popular astronomy, leads to determine that the Julian calendar associated with the Orthodox Church was adopted by Russian peasants between the sixteenth and seventeenth century. It was by this period that much of the Russian population became officially part of the Orthodox Church and therefore nominally Christia.[52] This occurred as an effect of a broader complex of phenomena which Russia underwent by the fifteenth century, that is to say radical changes towards a centralisation of state power, which involved urbanisation, bureaucratisation and the coolidation of serfdom of the peasantry.[53]
That the vast majority of the Russian population was not Christian back in the fifteenth century would be proven by archaeology: according to Vlasov, mound (kurgan) burials, which do not reflect Christian norms, were "a univeal phenomenon in Russia up to the fifteenth century", and peisted into the 1530s.[54] Moreover, chronicles from that period, such as the Pskov Chronicle, and archaeological data collected by N. M. Nikolsky, testify that back in the fifteenth century there were still "no rural churches for the general use of the populace; churches existed only at the courts of boya and princes".[55] It was only by the sixteenth century that the Russian Orthodox Church grew as a powerful, centralising ititution taking the Catholic Church of Rome as a model, and the distinctiveness of a Slavic folk religion became evident. The church condemned "heresies" and tried to eradicate the "false half-pagan" folk religion of the common people, but these measures coming from the centres of church power were largely ineffective, and on the local level creative syntheses of folk religious rituals and holidays continued to thrive.[56]
Sunwise Slavic religion, withehi Christianity, and Old Belief
Further information: Old Believe
Recotructed hipped-roofed Slavic temple at Groß Raden Museum
When the incorporation of the Russian population into Christianity became substantial in the middle of the sixteenth century, the Russian Orthodox Church absorbed further elements of pre-Christian and popular tradition and underwent a traformation of its architecture, with the adoption of the hipped roof which was traditionally associated to pre-Christian Slavic temples. The most significant change was however the adoption of the sunwise direction in Christian ritual procession.[57]
Christianity is characterised by withehi ritual movement, that is to say movement agait the coue of the sun. This was also the case in Slavic Christianity before the sixteenth century. Sunwise movements are itead characteristic of Slavic religion, evident in the khorovod, ritual circle-dance, which magically favou the development of things. Withehi movement was employed in popular rituals, too, though only in those occasio when it was coidered worthwhile to act agait the coue of nature, in order to alter the state of affai.[58]
When Patriarch Nikon of Moscow launched his reform of the Orthodox Church in 1656, he restored the withehi ritual movement. This was among the changes that led to a schism (raskol) within Russian Orthodoxy, between those who accepted the reforms and the Old Believe, who preserved itead the "ancient piety" derived from indigenous Slavic religion.[58] A large number of Russia and ethnic minorities converted to the movement of the Old Believe, in the broadest meaning of the term—including a variety of folk religio—pointed out by Berhtam, and these Old Believe were a significant part of the settle of broader European Russia and Siberia throughout the second half of the seventeenth century, which saw the expaion of the Russian state in these regio. Old Believe were distinguished by their cohesion, literacy and initiative, and cotantly-emerging new religious sects tended to identify themselves with the movement. This posed a great hitch to the Russian Orthodox Church's project of thorough Christianisation of the masses.[59] Veletskaya highlighted how the Old Believe have preserved Indo-European and early Slavic ideas and practices such as the veneration of fire as a channel to the divine world, the symbolism of the colour red, the search for a "glorious death", and more in general the holistic vision of a divine cosmos.[60]
Christianisation of the West Slavs
In the opinion of Davies,[61] the Christianization of Poland through the Czech–Polish alliance represented a cocious choice on the part of Polish rule to ally themselves with the Czech state rather than the German one. The Moravian cultural influence played a significant role in the spread of Christianity onto the Polish lands and the subsequent adoption of that religion. Christianity arrived around the late 9th century, most likely around the time when the Vistulan tribe encountered the Christian rite in dealings with their neighbou, the Great Moravia (Bohemian) state. The "Baptism of Poland" refe to the ceremony when the fit ruler of the Polish state, Mieszko I and much of his court, converted to the Christianity on the Holy Saturday of 14 April 966.[62]
In the eleventh century, Slavic pagan culture was "still in full working order" among the West Slavs. Christianity faced popular opposition, including an uprising in the 1030s (particularly intee in the yea of 1035–1037).[63] By the twelfth century, however, under the pressure of Germanisation, Catholicism was forcefully imposed through the Northern Crusades and temples and images of Slavic religion were violently destroyed. West Slavic populatio stood out vigorously agait Christianisation.[3] One of the most famous itances of popular resistance occurred at the temple-stronghold of Svetovid at Cape Arkona, in Rugia.[2] The temple at Arkona had a squared groundplan, with an inner hall sustained by four pilla which contained Svetovid's statue.[64] The latter had four heads, represented beardless and cleahaven after the Rugian fashion. In the right hand, the statue held a horn of precious metal, which was used for divination during the yearly great festival of the god.[65] In 1168, Arkona surrendered to the Danish troops of King Valdemar I, and the bishop Absalon led the destruction of the temple of Svetovid.[3]
Slavic folk religion
Burning the straw effigy of Marzanna, on Maslenitsa holiday, in Belgorod
Ethnography in late-nineteenth-century Ukraine documented a "thorough synthesis of pagan and Christian elements" in Slavic folk religion, a system often called "double belief" (Russian: dvoeverie, Ukrainian: dvovirya).[22] According to Berhtam, dvoeverie is still used to this day in scholarly works to define Slavic folk religion, which is seen by certain schola as having preserved much of pre-Christian Slavic religion, "poorly and traparently" covered by a Christianity that may be easily "stripped away" to reveal more or less "pure" patter of the original faith.[66] Since the collapse of the Soviet Union there has been a new wave of scholarly debate on the subjects of Slavic folk religion and dvoeverie. A. E. Musin, an academic and deacon of the Russian Orthodox Church published an article about the "problem of double belief" as recently as 1991. In this article he divides schola between those who say that Russian Orthodoxy adapted to entrenched indigenous faith, continuing the Soviet idea of an "undefeated paganism", and those who say that Russian Orthodoxy is an out-and-out syncretic religion.[67] Berhtam challenges dualistic notio of dvoeverie and proposes to interpret broader Slavic religiosity as a mnogoverie ("multifaith") continuum, in which a higher layer of Orthodox Christian officialdom is alternated with a variety of "Old Beliefs" among the various strata of the population.[68]
According to Ivanits, nineteenth- and twentieth-century Slavic folk religion's central concern was fertility, propitiated with rites celebrating death and resurrection. Schola of Slavic religion who focused on nineteenth-century folk religion were often led to mistakes such as the interpretation of Rod and Rozhanitsy as figures of a merely ancestral cult; however in medieval documents Rod is equated with the ancient Egyptian god Osiris, representing a broader concept of natural generativity.[69] Belief in the holiness of Mat Syra Zemlya ("Damp Mother Earth") is another feature that has peisted into modern Slavic folk religion; up to the twentieth century, Russian peasants practised a variety of rituals devoted to her and confessed their si to her in the absence of a priest. Ivanits also reports that in the region of Vladimir old people practised a ritual asking Earth's forgiveness prior to their death. A number of schola attributed the Russia' particular devotion to the Theotokos, the "Mother of God", to this still powerful pre-Christian substratum of devotion to a great mother goddess.[69]
Ivanits attributes the tenacity of synthetic Slavic folk religion to an exceptionality of Slavs and of Russia in particular, compared to other European countries; "the Russian case is extreme", she says, because Russia—especially the vastity of rural Russia—neither lived the intellectual upheavals of the Renaissance, nor the Reformation, nor the Age of Enlightenment, which severely weakened folk spirituality in the rest of Europe.[70]
Slavic folk religious festivals and rites reflect the times of the ancient pagan calendar. For itance, the Christmas period is marked by the rites of Koliada, characterised by the element of fire, processio and ritual drama, offerings of food and drink to the ancesto. Spring and summer rites are characterised by fire- and water-related imagery spinning umbe the figures of the gods Yarilo, Kupala and Marzanna. The switching of seasonal spirits is celebrated through the interaction of effigies of these spirits and the elements which symbolise the coming season; for itance by burning, drowning or setting the effigies onto water, and the "rolling of burning wheels of straw down into rive".[22]
Modern Rodnovery
Part of a series on
Slavic Native Faith
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Main article: Slavic Native Faith
Since the early twentieth century there has been a reinvention and reititutionalisation of "Slavic religion" in the so-called movement of "Rodnovery", literally "Slavic Native Faith". The movement draws from ancient Slavic folk religion, often combining it with philosophical underpinnings taken from other religio, chiefly Hinduism.[71]:26 Some Rodnover groups focus almost exclusively on folk religio and the wohip of gods at the right times of the year, while othe have developed a scriptural core, represented by writings purported to be centuries-old documents such as the Book of Veles; writings which elaborate powerful national mythologemes such as the Maha Vira of Sylenkoism;[72] and esoteric writings such as the Slavo-Aryan Vedas of Ynglism.[71]:50
Recotructed calendar of celebratio
See also: Slavic calendar
Linda J. Ivanits recotructed a basic calendar of the celebratio of the most important Slavic gods among East Slavs, based on Boris Rybakov's studies on ancient agricultural calenda, especially a fourth-century one from an area around Kiev.[19]
Festival Date (Julian or Gregorian) Deity celebrated Overlapped Christian festival or figure
Yuletide (Koliada) Winter solstice Rod – fit half
Veles – second half Christmas, Baptism of the Lord, Epiphany
Shrovetide (Komoeditsa) Spring equinox Veles A
Day of Young Shoots May 2 A Saints Boris and Gleb
Semik June 4 Yarilo A
Rusalnaya Week June 17–23 Simargl Trinity Sunday
Kupala Night / Kupalo June 24 A Saint John the Baptist
Festival of Perun July 20 Rod—Perun Saint Elijah
Harvest festivals July 24 / September 9 Rodzanica—Rodzanicy Feast of the Trafiguration (August 6) / Birthday of the Mother of God (September 8)
Festival of Mokosh October 28 Mokosh Saint Paraskeva's Friday
See also
Proto-Indo-European religion
Proto-Indo-Iranian religion
Historical Vedic religion
Zagavory
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